Friday, October 21, 2011

Why Teacher Voice / Professionalism

While most Americans – if not all – can name a teacher that had a significant impact on their lives, the current, national perception towards teachers does not appear to reflect that personal affinity towards a great teacher.  Why is that? Why is it that most of us can name a great teacher (or several) who pushed us, nurtured us, encouraged us; but when we talk about the profession, we conclude there is a lot to be desired. I would contend that the answer is simple: there are far too many teachers who do not have a significant impact on the lives of students, at least not in a positive way. Furthermore, this country has not developed credible and efficient systems – federal, state, district, or school-based – that develop struggling teachers or evaluate them out at the scale needed. So, you may ask what does teacher voice / professionalism have to do with addressing these challenges. I argue it has everything to do with it.  

As with any profession, those in the profession (teachers and school leaders) must play a significant role in making the necessary changes to improve teaching and learning in classrooms. This is critical if the changes in the profession are going to be sustained over time. This is not to suggest that those in the profession must be the catalyst for those significant changes. Sometimes it takes someone from outside the profession to shed light on what needs to change within.  Such was the case with the medical profession back in 1910.  Abraham Flexner – who was not a trained physician but an educator – published the Flexner Report. In the report he criticized the way that medical schools operated. According to Flexner, the standards for acceptance to medical schools were too low, the courses were not rigorous enough, and graduation was too easy. Sound familiar? This report catalyzed the Nation’s medical schools to change, and they have not been the same ever since. Yet, despite Flexner’s outsider perspective, I am sure it took the voices and actions of many insiders to ensure that those higher standards persist today. A similar argument can be made with the teaching profession today.

I think it is safe to say that most of the recent, proposed reforms to the teaching profession have come from outside the profession. The Flexner example would suggest that this is not necessarily a bad thing. However, as these proposals take shape, it is important to lift up the voices of teachers. Doing so could have three major benefits. First, as we give teachers an opportunity to engage and help shape the reform, I am sure that we will find that there are many teachers who are and have been advocates of these reforms all along. We are already seeing this in the numbers of partner, teacher organizations that are on the rise like TeachPlus and Educators for Excellence. These groups are made up of teachers who simply did not have the voice to push for change from within. But now they do. This leads to the second possible benefit: teachers as leaders of the reform.  This may not be a complicated as it might seem. Think about all the teachers who are currently involved in the MET project, or the teachers who are involved in developing and using new rubrics in the IPS/APS sites, or the teachers involved in shaping and using the College Ready literacy and math tools.  What if we found a way for them to be as versed as we are in those tools, and then allowed them to message alongside us to their peers…the Nation?  I know it is idealistic, but this would not be the first time that I was accused of being an idealist.
                                                                                                                                                
The final benefit has to do with feedback. The more we engage teachers in these conversations, the more likely we will create a feedback loop for learning how these reforms play out in the classroom on a day-to-day basis.  Going back to the Flexner Report; it would have been ludicrous for Flexner to believe that he did not need to hear back from practicing physicians regarding his suggestions and recommendations. This feedback from the practicing physicians most likely provided guidance for where more support and push were needed during the change process. At the same time, hearing back did not mean lowering Flexner’s standards or recommendations. As those reforms played-out and more lives were saved, Flexner made believers out of those within and outside the profession. I believe the same thing can happen with the teacher profession. As the teacher reform efforts play-out in collaboration with teachers, and these efforts result in significant increases in students achieving college and career readiness; then teachers will become true believers and leaders in the work. Perhaps then Americans will revere the teaching profession beyond the individual teacher who impacted them personally.  

Sunday, October 2, 2011

The New Civil Rights Movement: Equity in Education (An essay from 10 years ago)

Where are the mean, cruel, evil-hearted, racist bigots when you need them? Where are the hoses they used to blow my ancestors and others across the streets like rag dolls? Where are the German shepherds they used to keep defiant marchers from advancing their cry for equal rights? Where are the signs that proudly announced the “white only” establishments, fountains, and bathrooms? I am going to go way out on a limb and say that if these events existed today, there would be more of an impetus to solve the problems that are now faced by our inner-city schools.

The civil rights movement of the ‘60s had been a movement far before it came on the national radar. Those who had been experiencing the curse of inequality and pain of segregation did not all of a sudden realize there was a problem when the media from the north showed up to film marches. People had been asking for equality in the south for years before Martin Luther King marched through the streets of Montgomery, Alabama. Preachers in the south had been preaching eloquent and passionate sermons of freedom and justice long before there were plans to march on Washington. So the question that begs to be asked is, what caused these problems to be transformed from a southern “blemish” to a national epidemic that was felt by Americans across this country?

What was it that made people in suburban Massachusetts and rural Pennsylvania travel to Mississippi and join hands with perfect strangers in a quest for freedom? Furthermore, what caused these northern suburbanites to leave the safety of their homes and risk life and limb for people they did not even know, or perhaps even care to know? Why did Americans across this great nation of ours put pressure on their governmental representatives to do something about the hosings, lynchings, and church bombings that were occurring far, far away from their calm and tranquil neighborhoods?

 I am convinced that the reason that people acted and demanded that the government come to the aid of this battle for justice was because the nature of the violent offenses against civil rights advocates had become too difficult to ignore. It’s not that people were not concerned about black America prior to these violent altercations; it’s just that these concerns could be discussed and placated with steering committees and commissions dedicated to developing long-term strategies for improving the plight of those suffering from segregation. Plessy v. Ferguson was an excellent example of one such effort to make sure that things were dealt with without it getting too “messy.” This strategy was working just fine, until civil rights advocates gained one voice and began to sing in one chorus, We Shall Overcome. It was when this chorus was sung with passionate determination that the mean, cruel, evil-hearted racist souls came to the aid of the movement! In an ironic way, their hoses, dogs, and ropes made it impossible for suburban America to ignore the movement.
There was no way that suburban America could live with itself if it sat night after night and watched men, women, and children being blown across the streets with fire hoses like trash being swept away after a street party. How do you explain that to the kids at the dinner table? It touched suburban America at their humanistic core. We may live in different neighborhoods, but we all understand pain, hurt, fear. Unless we are seriously ill, we tend to dislike viewing other humans being seriously harmed. And so, something had to be done.

The more I think about it, the more I can appreciate the heroism of civil rights heroes and heroines. In essence what they agreed to do is sacrifice themselves for the sake of bringing a southern “issue” to the minds, hearts, eyes, and living rooms of Americans across this country. These martyrs had faith in the core of humanity. Faith that what ties us together is greater than what keeps us apart.

And so they marched and tolerated the taunts. And they marched and withstood the rocks. And they marched and tolerated the batons. And they marched despite the spit. And when they recovered from the soggy, involuntary dances caused by powerfully pressured streams of water, they continued to march…or just kept standing back up. All so that one day, people far away in the comfort of their safe neighborhoods and wonderful schools would turn to each other and proclaim: this treatment is inhuman. What can we do to stop it?

The challenge that we have today with improving our urban and rural public schools — what Jonathan Kozol calls the second civil rights movement — is there are no hoses and bombings. Furthermore it’s really not about race; it’s more about class. There are no signs proclaiming “Middle Class Only” in this school or “Poor Children Only” in another school. There are no batons being brought down on the heads of schoolchildren in our city schools, and falling ceiling tiles and chipping lead paint just doesn’t grab readers enough to be headlines and sell papers. Test results and charts that show dramatic gaps between the races just don’t possess the amount of “drama” that a good riot would create. And because these events don’t exist, this problem — like the civil rights movement before the notoriously violent years — has not reached the level of urgency needed for legislators to feel compelled or pressured to do anything besides add more tests and accountability with very few resources to make a meaningful difference.

What makes this challenge doubly dubious is the fact that the urban school equity movement lacks a unified chorus and chorus director. Every great social movement needs a chorus and a director. Right now, there is a cacophonous cadence of chants. I pray someone will rise up and bring harmony to this song, for the sake of the children.

Until these things happen — a unified chorus in our cities, a national leader, and suburban-humanistic connection — we are fighting an uphill battle to improve the plight of inner city children. Where are the hoses when you need them?

Where are the mean, cruel, evil-hearted, racist bigots when you need them? Where are the hoses they used to blow my ancestors and others across the streets like rag dolls? Where are the German shepherds they used to keep defiant marchers from advancing their cry for equal rights? Where are the signs that proudly announced the “white only” establishments, fountains, and bathrooms? I am going to go way out on a limb and say that if these events existed today, there would be more of an impetus to solve the problems that are now faced by our inner-city schools.

The civil rights movement of the ‘60s had been a movement far before it came on the national radar. Those who had been experiencing the curse of inequality and pain of segregation did not all of a sudden realize there was a problem when the media from the north showed up to film marches. People had been asking for equality in the south for years before Martin Luther King marched through the streets of Montgomery, Alabama. Preachers in the south had been preaching eloquent and passionate sermons of freedom and justice long before there were plans to march on Washington. So the question that begs to be asked is, what caused these problems to be transformed from a southern “blemish” to a national epidemic that was felt by Americans across this country?

What was it that made people in suburban Massachusetts and rural Pennsylvania travel to Mississippi and join hands with perfect strangers in a quest for freedom? Furthermore, what caused these northern suburbanites to leave the safety of their homes and risk life and limb for people they did not even know, or perhaps even care to know? Why did Americans across this great nation of ours put pressure on their governmental representatives to do something about the hosings, lynchings, and church bombings that were occurring far, far away from their calm and tranquil neighborhoods?

 I am convinced that the reason that people acted and demanded that the government come to the aid of this battle for justice was because the nature of the violent offenses against civil rights advocates had become too difficult to ignore. It’s not that people were not concerned about black America prior to these violent altercations; it’s just that these concerns could be discussed and placated with steering committees and commissions dedicated to developing long-term strategies for improving the plight of those suffering from segregation. Plessy v. Ferguson was an excellent example of one such effort to make sure that things were dealt with without it getting too “messy.” This strategy was working just fine, until civil rights advocates gained one voice and began to sing in one chorus, We Shall Overcome. It was when this chorus was sung with passionate determination that the mean, cruel, evil-hearted racist souls came to the aid of the movement! In an ironic way, their hoses, dogs, and ropes made it impossible for suburban America to ignore the movement.

There was no way that suburban America could live with itself if it sat night after night and watched men, women, and children being blown across the streets with fire hoses like trash being swept away after a street party. How do you explain that to the kids at the dinner table? It touched suburban America at their humanistic core. We may live in different neighborhoods, but we all understand pain, hurt, fear. Unless we are seriously ill, we tend to dislike viewing other humans being seriously harmed. And so, something had to be done.

The more I think about it, the more I can appreciate the heroism of civil rights heroes and heroines. In essence what they agreed to do is sacrifice themselves for the sake of bringing a southern “issue” to the minds, hearts, eyes, and living rooms of Americans across this country. These martyrs had faith in the core of humanity. Faith that what ties us together is greater than what keeps us apart.

And so they marched and tolerated the taunts. And they marched and withstood the rocks. And they marched and tolerated the batons. And they marched despite the spit. And when they recovered from the soggy, involuntary dances caused by powerfully pressured streams of water, they continued to march…or just kept standing back up. All so that one day, people far away in the comfort of their safe neighborhoods and wonderful schools would turn to each other and proclaim: this treatment is inhuman. What can we do to stop it?

The challenge that we have today with improving our urban and rural public schools — what Jonathan Kozol calls the second civil rights movement — is there are no hoses and bombings. Furthermore it’s really not about race; it’s more about class. There are no signs proclaiming “Middle Class Only” in this school or “Poor Children Only” in another school. There are no batons being brought down on the heads of schoolchildren in our city schools, and falling ceiling tiles and chipping lead paint just doesn’t grab readers enough to be headlines and sell papers. Test results and charts that show dramatic gaps between the races just don’t possess the amount of “drama” that a good riot would create. And because these events don’t exist, this problem — like the civil rights movement before the notoriously violent years — has not reached the level of urgency needed for legislators to feel compelled or pressured to do anything besides add more tests and accountability with very few resources to make a meaningful difference.

What makes this challenge doubly dubious is the fact that the urban school equity movement lacks a unified chorus and chorus director. Every great social movement needs a chorus and a director. Right now, there is a cacophonous cadence of chants. I pray someone will rise up and bring harmony to this song, for the sake of the children.

Until these things happen — a unified chorus in our cities, a national leader, and suburban-humanistic connection — we are fighting an uphill battle to improve the plight of inner city children. Where are the hoses when you need them?